Showing posts with label federal deficit. Show all posts
Showing posts with label federal deficit. Show all posts

Thursday, December 18, 2008

Summing Up the Total So Far

So pretty much everyone is aware of the $700 billion “bank bailout” and the pending “auto bailout,” but what most people don’t realize, is that these are only a fraction of the total government expenditures and guarantees that have gone on so far over the past year. Government agencies and the Federal Reserve, which get less media attention and have no legislative hurtles have gone about instituting many other programs on their own.

So I was reading a WSJ article this week that has outlined that the Federal Reserve’s balance sheet has exploded in recent months, ballooning from about $800 billion to about $2.2 trillion since September. For the most part, the Fed has essentially printed $1.4 trillion dollars to purchase or borrow other assets. If this is kept in the system for too long once a recovery begins, we will be seeing inflation like we haven’t seen for years. The Fed says that it will tighten its policy when needed, but given their recent track record, I wouldn’t put much faith in that. And the market seems to agree with me as gold has been inching up recently.

But this whole thing got me thinking and I went about grabbing other info I have accumulated recently and came up with a list of all the various programs created over the past year. I’m probably missing a few small ones, but here is what I came up with.

(If amount allocated is yet to be used in it's entirety, the amount used thus far is in italics.)

Federal Reserve - $4.75 Trillion

Commercial Paper Funding Facility - $1.8 trillion ($312 billion)
Buys short term notes from private firms

Term Action Facility - $900 Billion ($415 billion)
Auctions off loans to banks

Term Securities Lending Facility - $250 billion ($190 billion)
Allows financial firms to borrow treasury bonds in exchange for low quality debt

Money market Investor Funding Facility - $540 billion ($0)
Buys assets from financial companies that support money market funds

Credit Extension to AIG - $123 billion ($87 billion)

Citigroup Bailout - $291 Billion
Guarantee of toxic assets

Discount Window - $92 billion
Banks directly borrowing cash from the Fed

Discount Window II - $50 billion
Extends direct bank lending function to securities firms

Commercial Paper Program II - $62 billion
Loans money to banks to buy commercial paper from mutual funds

Bear Stearns Bailout - $29 billion ($27 billion)
Guaranteed assets in brokered JP Morgan buyout

Overnight Bank Loans - $10 billion

Other Assets - $606 billion
Includes treasury bonds purchased with printed cash in order to help finance the government

FDIC - $1.55 Trillion

Temporary Liquidity Guarantee Program, Secured Debt Guarantee Program, Transaction Account Guarantee Program, increase of deposit insurance limit and other interbank lending guarantees - $1.4 Trillion
Various insurance programs backing debt between different parties

GE Capital Bailout - $139 billion
Debt Guarantee to General Electric's lending arm

Citigroup Bailout - $10 billion
Guarantees Citi’s toxic assets

Treasury Department - $947 Billion

Troubled Asset Relief Program - $700 Billion ($336 billion)
Originally for purchasing distressed assess; now for buying equity positions in companies

Stimulus Package - $168 billion
“Rebate Checks” of earlier this year as well as some other minor tax credits

Bank Tax Credits - $29 billion
To compensate for the government wiping out Fannie and Freddie securities held by banks

Treasury Exchange Stabilization Fund - $50 billion
Designed to manipulate currency markets - now used to insure money market funds

Federal Housing Administration- $300 Billion

Loan guarantees for refinanced mortgages for struggling and delinquent home owners

Nationalization of Freddie Mac and Fannie Mae - $5.2 Trillion

Capital Injection - $200 billion ($25 billion)
Government buys preferred shares and opens up line of credit

Mortgage Debt Guarantee - $5 Trillion
Government acquires the guarantee on all mortgage securities sold by the two GSE’s

Total Earmarked: $12.45 Trillion - Used So Far: $8.74 Trillion
Spent: $4.09 trillion
Loans: $1.49 trillion
Guarantees: $6.78 trillion

Likely to be passes soon:
Auto Bailout: $75 to $125 billion
Stimulus Package: $500 to $850 billion

(Sources: FDIC, US Treasury, FHA, Federal Reserve, Washington Post)

Keep in mind too that these are only the new or expanded programs. This list does not include preexisting “normal” expenditures like increased unemployment compensation or the FDIC deposit insurance. Even without these, the totals are mind boggling. With the likely auto bailout and upcoming stimulus package, various government bodies will have spent, loaned out or insured somewhere around $13 trillion in less than a year! To put this into perspective, the entire output of the US economy in a year is about $14.4 trillion. The amount of $13 trillion is larger than the annual economic output of China, India, Brazil and Indonesia combined, the four largest countries not including the US, which include over 2.9 billion people. This amounts to about 30 percent of all financial wealth of all US households combined. Or it translates into about $43,000 per US resident or about $108,000 per household! So this is your piece of the pie so far.

Now all of this isn’t spent money. The majority is either loans or insurance, so all the money will not be lost. Likely, most of the loans will be paid back and not all the insured assets will go bad (though a lot of them will). Furthermore, much of the spent money went to buying assets that will likely have at least some value to sell back later on.

I guess my point however is to show exactly how large and unprecedented this is, and that is goes far beyond the “bail out” bills. At the macro level, the government has essentially taken control over the entire financial system. In broad areas, capital is no longer largely allocated to areas that investors believe are most profitable and therefore most productive, but rather to what areas government has deemed it to go to. And much of this has been done by agencies and the Fed using extremely loose legal interpretations of their powers. The amount of raw power and authority the Fed, FDIC, and Treasury have been allowed to wield without Congressional approval is unbelievable. Distortions are done directly by the partial nationalization of the financial industry (soon to be done with the auto as well), or it’s done by placing guarantees on various assets, incentivizing more capital to flow into these over other alternatives that government bureaucrats deem less worthy. Event the stock market of recent months reacts little to earnings reports and instead has violent swings based one expectations of various government actions.

We are now in a political economy. The gigantic “stimulus package” soon to be passed is going to be the largest pork barrel project in history as every mayor, governor, and special interest down to a city councilman’s cousin who owns a paving company is lining up to the trough for a piece of the handout. This is the closest thing to a command and control economy that this country has faced since WWII. And all this done under the watch of a President whose critics have attacked him for being a “free market ideologue.” If this is what a champion of free market capitalism brings us, I don’t even want to know what the next administration and Congress is going to do. Maybe buying gold is looking good right now.

-EJB

Friday, November 28, 2008

Tax and Spend Liberals

No need for much text in this post, I'll let the picture do the talking.





~JSK
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So there is indeed some truth to this cartoon and I realize what it is trying to say, but I hope that people realize that this is a very simplistic explanation of the past budget deficits. I could just as easily make a simplistic analysis of who controlled congress over those periods (and the branch with the most control over the budget). The Democrats controlled the House for all of Reagan’s term and the Senate for half of it. They controlled Congress during all of Bush I’s term. The Republicans then controlled congress for 6 out of the 8 years of Clinton’s terms, including all of the years of surpluses. Lastly, even with Bush II, the years where the deficit grew from the previous year, Congress had Democrat control. The first two, the Dems had the Senate, and in the last two, where they had both houses, the deficit has ballooned from $160 billion to a projected $1.1 to $1.5 trillion deficit for this budget year. But this is too simplistic as well.

But first, just a side note. Partially because of horrible fiscal stewardship ont he part of the Republicans in recent years, the Democrats have successfully been able to turn the meaning of "fiscal responsibility" to one regarding only deficits and not rampant spending in of itself. So deficits are not even necessarily as good of a measure of being “fiscally conservative,” as total spending is. Deficits after all are not a measure of spending growth or how the money is spent, but simply the gap between inlays and outlays.

But getting back to the main point, lets briefly look at the dynamics that existed under all these administrations. First, Reagan was unable to get the budgets he wanted. Though the Southern Democrats went along with his tax cuts, they wouldn’t go along with his spending cuts, or at least not enough of them to balance the budget. Without that block in the House, he could not get anything through it. Also, in order to cut many programs, 60 votes in the Senate would have been required, which he usually did not have. Furthermore, many Republicans didn’t want to cut certain programs either because any given spending program has its entrenched interests. Had Reagan actually gotten the budgets he sent to Congress, there would have been a cumulative budget surplus by the end of his term. Now proposed budgets always get altered and it is likely Reagan didn't expect those to actually pass, but it does show that he was trying to reduce spending much more then he was able to do. Now some also say, “well wait, Reagan drastically increased military spending.” Well this is true, but his increase really only brought defence spending back in line as a percent of GDP with what had been the Cold War average. Defense spending had been falling through the Ford and Carter years being replaced by domestic spending.

Next was Bush I. He had a very hostile Congress that would not go along with any substantial spending cuts at all. But regarding the deficit, he got hit with a recession. Because of the social safety net and the progressive income tax system, a recession naturally reduces tax revenues while at the same time increasing outlays. These were all programs already in place and not the direct hand of Bush. In the end, he compromised with the Democrats and raised taxes, because he could not get cuts, and the rescinding of his famous “read my lips, no new taxes” pledge ultimately contributed to him losing his reelection (furthermore, Bush I was not nearly into the small government thing as Reagan was... remember “Voodoo Economics”, and therefore was much more willing to go along with the Congressional Democrats in the first place.)

Clinton, started out as a big tax and spend liberal as the title in the cartoon states. He raised taxes and then tried to get through his massive universal healthcare program. However, a combination of the program's high cost, the complexity of it and the political infighting within the Democrat party, he didn’t get this through. The Republicans then took the Congress and at this point they actually believed in restricting spending. They also had the partisan incentive to go against Clinton backed spending. But also at this point, Clinton then began to rule as a moderate, likely out of political necessity, and encouraged by his Treasury Secretary Rubin, who is obsessed with budget deficits, stopped pushing for more spending. The Republicans essentially made policy for most of the decade. Even think of the major achievements of the Clinton administration, NAFTA, welfare reform, capital gains tax cuts, balanced budgets... these were all the Republican Party platform issues in 94 and 96. Furthermore, he spent most of his second term using his political capital to blunt the various sex allegations. Clinton also had the short term benefit of the stock bubble, an unsustainable period of economic growth that yielded a temporary benefit, but led to the recession to follow in 2001. And just as a recession naturally reduces revenues and increases outlays, the opposite is true during a boom time. The late 90's saw the largest percent of GDP collected as tax revenue since WWII. This was why Bush II was so attement about putting in place a tax cut durring his 2000 campaign and why even Gore was advocating a smaller tax cut.

Bush II is where this cartoon has the most truth, because the administration has actively pushed for massive increases in spending over its tenure, whether it be Medicare D, No child left behind, farm subsidies, Homeland Security, etc. However, even this is not the full story. He got hit with the 2001 recession and 9-11, both of which reduced tax revenues and increased outlays. Now we have a massive deficit with all the bailouts, but these have been quite bipartisan, or at least Bush and the Congressional Democrats.

So this is still a very brief overview of the various administrations that doesn't do any of them justice; however, in general, this begins to look at the more complex dynamic.

-EJB

Monday, November 17, 2008

This Would Be Even Funnier If It Weren't So True



-EJB


_________________________________________________________


"America needs the money hole!"
"I love the money fires."

Brilliant, yet tragic...though the idea of people arguing over whether the free market can discover the best way to destroy money warms my heart.

~JSK

Wednesday, November 5, 2008

A Rose By Any Other Name

Congratulations to President-elect Obama and the Democrat party in general for their victories last night. Obama's quasi-landslide, facilitated by the fact that he pretty much swept every key swing State, surprised me slightly. And the Dem's picked up some key Senate seats (take that, Elizabeth Dole), but will not reach 60 for a super-majority...I guess we'll have to wait a little while longer for the complete nationalization of private industry, the elevation of unions to Big Brother-esque power, free unlimited abortions for every woman and the changing of our national symbol from the bald eagle to the hammer and sickle. Here's hoping for 2010, though.

Obama must obviously be excited - in the same way that any comic who is informed that he'll be performing after Carlos Mencia is excited; safe in the knowledge that he can't possibly do any worse than the last guy. Seriously, if Obama sat in the Oval Office and played Sudoku for 4 years, he'd go down in history as a better President than GWB. Not content to sit around and do nothing, however, Obama apparently has plans and goals.

So it's been less than 12 hours since the Obama victory was announced and, much to my surprise, there has been no noticeable change in life (for better or for worse). The sky did not open up, fire did not rain down upon us and I did not even hear a single trumpet (if you got that last one, I'm impressed. If not, here.) On the flip side, the blind still cannot see, the water in my sink is not wine, wars and genocides continue globally, and it is still true that white colonists enslaved Africans 300 years ago. But like I said above, Obama has plans.

I'd just like to forewarn Obama backers that they should temper their excitement a little. This article, though a few months old, gives good reasons why: he can't possibly find the money for all his change. $6billion for rebuilding bridges and dams? $15 billion for developing clean energy? $10 billion to bail out foreclosures? $18 billion for education? I guess my favorite is $50 million a year to "help make men better fathers" - I assume that means giving that money directly to the dad's so they can buy their kids an IPod...that automatically makes you a better father.

The article notes that Leon Panetta, Bill Clinton's former chief of staff, suggests that Obama is going to have to cut back his plans a bit. Fortunately, Robert Rubin, a former Clinton adviser has been working closely with the Obama campaign. This is a good sign. It may just be that Obama realizes, much like Clinton in the 90's, that he will have to forgo many of his campaign promises in order to focus on deficit-cutting. It will be difficult because Obama promised so much to so many people...but if he takes even a modest step towards balancing the budget and reducing our national deficit, he will be serving the people in a manner more praiseworthy than any government program he had planned on creating.

~JSK

Monday, October 27, 2008

A Case To Keep an Eye On

So there is a small obscure legal case that is in the works that has potential to set precedent moving forward that could have an important role in shaping our health care system into the future. Three retired men whom have saved money for private health care coverage for their retirement wish to opt out of the Medicare system. For a second article, you can read here. The crazy part about the system currently however, is that if one opts out of Medicare, that person must also opt out of Social Security. Furthermore, if you are enrolled in Medicare, you are forbidden to purchase additional private insurance outside of a few restricted MediGap programs, which must work in conjunction with the normal medicare system. In addition you can not participate in Health Savings Accounts. Apparently the government won't let you save them money even if you want to.

Anyway, these men wish to opt out of the prior, because they prefer to seek superior, unrationed private care as well as desiring to keep their private information out of the hands of a government bureaucracy. They wish to stay enrolled in Social Security however. The result is that a suit is being taken up.

Now beyond the lunacy of this policy, this struck me as having potential consequences moving forward that are much more profound then the condition of these few men. If the courts indeed rule that the government is within its right to force participation in Medicare if one wishes to participate in Social Security, then this greatly strengthens the ability of the government to ration health care in general through statute. The baby boomers are nearing retirement and therefore they will soon be enrolled in Medicare. Furthermore, it is very likely that there will be an expansion of government run health care programs in the next Congress, so between the two a much larger percent of the population, perhaps even the majority will be enrolled in government run health programs in the near future.


As costs continue to escalate through the entire system, and Medicare and Medicaid move into insolvency, the government will be forced to increase its rationing efforts, restricting access to patients. We are already beginning to see this in Medicare where doctors are not reimbursed 100%, so that they are forced to squeeze more patients into a short period of time, or in some cases doctors are just refusing to participate in Medicare or are limiting the amount of new patients. If the courts rule in favor of the current government policy, this will allow it to enact in the future a rationing method long employed by the Canadian system, that being that it is illegal to purchase privately funded health care even if done so with your own money. Though I doubt it would be explicitly made illegal here, for all practical purposes is would be so if it were tied to other programs, just as Social Security and Medicare currently are, so that if you do go ahead and purchase private care, you lose access to all other programs or see various tax credits and deductions nullified. This is how the Federal Government currently gets away with mandating that states comply with the drinking age; they threaten to take away hiway funding if they don't cooperate.


The argument for such a policy in Canada has been that it is unfair to purchase health care privately that uses resources that can not be used by the public system. So as a means of rationing to reduce costs, this action is prohibited. This forces everyone to utilize the rationed public system where certain procedures are restricted. The result is that many Canadians who have money often come to Boston, Cleveland or Seattle for superior treatment. Canada's argument is very similar to the rationale used in the 90's when Social Security and Medicare were linked, where the argument at the time was to prevent a "two tiered system." It was unfair that some individuals would be able to have higher quality treatment, even if they could afford it without burden to the tax payer.

So keep an eye on this. I will likely comment on it when a decision is reached. It may be an indicator of to what degree you will have options and choice in your health care moving forward into the future.

-EJB

__________________________________________________________________


Interesting case, EJB. It sounds like an issue that, no matter what the trial outcome, will be appealed to the Circuit and eventually Supreme Court. Let's just hope they feel that the issue is ripe for certiorari, or else the question may never be fully answered. I too recognize the bizarre nature of this policy. It seems difficult to argue that the connection between Social Security and Medicare is so strong that one cannot subscribe to the former without participating in the latter. This will come in handy later, but first, a few clarifications.

Contrary to EJB's assertion, Canada's health care system does not prohibit individuals from buying private health care. It leaves this decision up to the individual provinces, most of which have simply enacted legislation that has disincentivized private health care. Dr. Robert Steinbrook wrote this article, published in the New England Journal of Medicine, calling for the Canadian government to let private health care providers increase the types of services they can provide. He points out that while much of Canada's total health care spending comes from the public sector, there is still room, even under the current system, for private providers:

As explained in a 2003 report, the Canadian health care system is "unique in the world in that it bans coverage of . . . [physician and hospital] core services by private insurance companies, allowing supplemental insurance only for perquisites such as private hospital rooms. This ban constrains the emergence of a parallel private medical or hospital sector and puts pressure on the provinces to meet the expectations of middle-class Canadians."1 That only 70 percent of total health care funding in Canada comes from the public sector — less than in many European countries but considerably more than in the United States — reflects the fact that private payments are common for other expenditures, including drugs, dental services, optometry, and home care. Private insurance and private care are also common in niche areas, such as work-related injuries and cosmetic surgery.

I also have the feeling that the US government is in no rush to duplicate the Canadian system because of its notorious "wait lists." And I agree with EJB that these wait lists are deplorable. However, this one negative consequence of the Canadian system should not end the conversation regarding the efficacy of universal health care. Dr. Robert Bell, in a letter to the WSJ, writes that Canadians spend about 55% of what Americans do on health care and enjoy longer life-expectancies and lower infant mortality rates. He also details a plan to target and eliminate long waiting times. Let's not short shrift the Canadian system.

Similarly, the Canadian Supreme Court recently ruled in Chaoulli v. Quebec that the 1984 Health Insurance Act cannot be read to prohibit the purchase of private health insurance. The Health Insurance Act actually left it up to each province to decide for itself whether it wanted to allow or prohibit private health care providers. This case marks the end of that reading - at least in Quebec - because such an interpretation would violate Canadian citizens' right to life (something we could really use down here in the States).

The case EJB briefly refers to when he mentions Congress conditioning highway funds on state drinking laws is South Dakota v. Dole. There, a 7-2 Supreme Court majority, headed by Chief Justice William Rehnquist, held that Congress has the power, as provided by the Taxing and Spending Clause, to attach reasonable conditions to funds it disburses to the States. EJB claims that the Federal Government "gets away" with doing this; but actually it is a perfectly legitimate power that has always been assumed as part of the Taxing and Spending power. It is important to notice, I think, just who supported this decision. Both Justice Scalia and Justice Marshall joined with the majority opinion. This startling fact (startling because Scalia is probably the most conservative Justice in recent memory and Marshall was quite possibly the most liberal) reveals that the decision was not political. Justices with drastically differing political views were able to overcome those differences and decide that a proper interpretation of the Constitution called for this holding.

Two ideas follow from this. First, the power of Congress to attach reasonable conditions to disbursements is not unlimited. Dole sets up four restrictions for Congressional conditioned spending: 1) it must promote the "general welfare"; 2) the condition must be explicit and clear; 3) there must be a reasonable relation to some legitimate federal interest; 4) other Constitutional provisions may supersede the conditional grants.

Thus, we would have to ask if tying Medicare to Social Security meets these four conditions. To me, that seems a very difficult task. However, it may not even get to that stage. For, it is important to note that the Dole case involved the Federal Government disbursing money to the States in exchange for their cooperation in certain federal mandates/programs. Dole has nothing to say about individuals accepting Federal money. There may be significant distinguishing characteristics here that make Dole inapposite - for instance, the idea that the Taxing and Spending Clause does not extend its reach to private citizens, but only applies to the States. It is also important to consider that while Medicare is considered a privilege, Social Security payments (once established) are considered to be a property right, the removal of which would be subject to the the due process provision of the Fourteenth Amendment, and actionable via 42 U.S.C. 1983.


So, like I said earlier, there are many legal issues here that I hope the higher courts decide to deal with. Will Dole apply, thus shifting the burden onto the Government to defend its conditioning one program on another? Will Goldberg apply, thus forcing the Court to deal with Due Process concerns in the event that social security entitlements are lost? I would add one more thing, in response to EJB's concerns that any decision would be a catalyzing precedent for further liberalization. I think that, no matter what the outcome, the District Judge will likely attempt to limit her holding to the specific facts of the case. Courts do this when dealing with matters where they are likely to be walking a fine line between interpreting laws and violating the separation of powers. I would be surprised to find a decision written in broad terms. Thus the decision might not have has many negative or even positive consequences as might be imagined.

~JSK

___________________________

JSK brings up a lot of points here; I am going to try to hit all of them.

1. "Canada's health care system does not prohibit individuals from buying private health care." So yes, this is not a complete ban as JSK has said, and in some cases it it not actually a banned, but rather an implicit one by creating legislation that highly disincentivizes the development of private methods of delivering care. Even though people buy many "extras" through private means, even JSK admits though his quote that, "...it bans coverage of . . . [physician and hospital] core services by private insurance companies." My point still stands, that even if this is not universal through the entire system, banning or severely limiting private access is still a heavily employed method of rationing in Canada.

2. [Canadians] enjoy longer life-expectancies and lower infant mortality rates.
This is a classic example of the expression "there are lies, bigger lies, and statistics." When you actually look at what constitutes the data behind this often repeated "fact" that government run health care proponents often use, you see the truth is quite different.

Infant mortality rates are relatively high in the US compared to other developed nations for two reasons. First, the definition of infant mortality that is used by different nations differs greatly and the US definition is one of the most highly inclusive ones, so that many new born children who die in other nations are not reported in the statistic as they are in the US. As Economist John Goodman concludes in his study:
"Taking into account such data-reporting differences, the rates of low-birth-weight babies born in America are about the same as other developed countries in the OECD [Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development]. Likewise, infant mortality rates, adjusted for the distribution of newborns by weight, are about the same."
The second reason, and to me what makes the fact that we are not lower then most nations more impressive, is that in the US, when prebirth conditions become threatening, we often attempt to save the unborn children via C-Section, and at a rate much higher then in most countries. Many are indeed saved that would have died (myself included; I was two months premature); however, the mortality rates of these sickened early born children are higher the average. In other less developed countries they would have never been born in the first place and therefore would have not been included in the mortality statistic t begin with.

Similarly, life expectancy statistics have to be taken with a grain of sale, because they include factors outside that of the heath care system. So for instance because we drive more then most nations, we have a higher rate of death by car accidents. We also for whatever reasons, have a relatively high homicide rate. Both of these are not reflective of the health care system. As Economist Mark Perry points out, if life expectancy data is adjusted for car fatalities and homicide, the US has the highest life expectancy rate in the world. Now whether these calculations are correct or not
, doesn't change the point that there are many factors that go into life expectancy other then the quality of heath care. I would argue that the American propensity for obesity (our eating and exercise habits) has a lot to do with dragging down our life expectancy, and not the health care system.

This is why when actually trying to analyze the merits of a health care system compared to another, we should not be primarily looking at statistics that have a multitude of factors, but rather look at metrics that actually measure how well a heath care system works once it is employed. When you look at things like cancer survival rates, the US has the highest in the world. So for instance, "Women who get breast cancer in Europe are four times more likely to be diagnosed when the tumor has spread and are less likely to survive the disease than women in the United States." Or another is, "For leukemia, for example, the American survival rate is almost 50%. The European rate is significantly lower, at just 35%. Esophaegeal carcinoma is often deadly - but American patients far much better than those across the Atlantic. 5 year rates in the U.S. are 12%; European, just 6%." The chart to the left from the Economist shows US 5 year prostate cancer survival rates. Both avove quoted stats and others found here.

I think my point is made.



3. Canadians spend about 55% of what Americans do on health care (Presumably at no lost benefit, which I talked about in my previous point). But why do Canadians and other nations with government health care spend less? Well there are many reasons but I will address two of the major ones, if not the primary reasons.

Other nations give you less health care, essentially you get what you pay for. Through rationing techniques, government restrict access to health care in various ways in order to reduce costs. The result is a much lower "quantity" of health care. So for instance:

Canada lags badly behind the United States in terms of basic diagnostic machinery. Indeed, Canada lags behind most Western countries. The OECD analyses the availability of such machinery and ranks the various countries. Canada's results are striking: it ranks 21st of 28 OECD nations for CAT scanners, 19th of 22 in availability of lithotriptors (used to treat kidney stones and gallstones), and 19th of 27 in availability of MRIs. Canada ranks 6th of 17 in availability of radiation equipment.
This would be the reason why the wait times are so notoriously long in Canada; there simply isn't enough "health care" available due to rationing. And despite this being an election year issue every cycle and more and more money promises have been made to lessen lines, they continuously get worse. And as I pointed out in my previous point, this IS done at the expense of quality, which can even be anecdotaly confirmed by the fact that so many Canadians come to the US for health treatment. Another example:

Antipsychotics, the main treatment for schizophrenia, have been revolutionized in the past decade. Newer drugs are linked with fewer and more benign side effects. In the United States, 60% are on the newer drugs. In Spain, only 20% are, while in Germany, fewer still at just 10%. Some patients, of course, may opt for the older medications but studies suggest most prefer (and do better on) the new so-called atypical antipsychotics. Thus, when it comes to the treatment of mental illness, Europeans get the best the 1970s provided.
The second major reason for why heath care costs so much here is that through our tax subsidy system, we incentivize over consumption. Because insurance paid for by your employer is tax free, but expenditures paid out of pocket have to be done so with after tax income, there is an invective for the both the employer and the employee to structure compensation packages with larger amounts of insurance and less cash. The result is the evolution of heath insurance in this country to something that is less like insurance and more like prepaid care via low deductibles and co payments. As is a problem with any type of third party payer system, private or public, when the cost of a transaction is paid for up front and not at the point of sale, there is an incetive to purchase excessive amount because the marginal cost of doing so is nothing or very little. So for instance, instead of waiting to go to your doctor on Monday for a minor ill, you go to the more expensive emergency room on Sunday because it only costs you at that point of transaction a small copay. Without this tax subsidy, health insurance would have likely developed more in line with auto insurance, where regularly occurring payments are done out of pocket, and the insurance only kicks in when you have catastrophic damage. This would reduce the moral hazard of over consumption and reduce prices as demand falls. A more detailed discussion can be found here. A survey illustrating this moral hazard can be read here. What we have seen is that the US pays a very low percentage of its expenses out of pocket even compared to most western nations, and this trend has only increased over time as the chart shows.

I would also mention as a side note, that Canada has lower drug cost because of price controls. US firms continue to sell drugs to Canadians at these lower prices because the marginal cost of producing more pills is less then the price received; however, in the absence of the American market, the more costly fixed cost of research and development could not be covered. In essence US consumers are subsidizing low cost Canadian drugs. So we are partially paying for their health system and though I am not familiar with the legal technicalities of it, I am surprised the US had not brought suit to Canada in the WTO over this for unfair trade practices.

4. Regarding the Highway Funding Analogy, States don't "get away" Perhaps I was unclear, but I am not calling into question the legality of the Federal government withholding funding to states. My analogy was simply that like in the case where the Federal government is not allowed to explicitly force the states into the drinking age laws, so that it "gets away" with this by implicitly doing so via essentially extorting the states, a similar technique could be used in the case of restricting private health care by extorting you through the loss of other programs such as Social Security.

5. The conditions that the government has to comply with to withhold entitlements and Goldberg v. Kelly and Social Security as a property right.
I agree that the current link between SS and Medicare seems iffy, but the whole premise of my post was watch this case. IF the courts uphold the move, then that would imply that the 4 criteria that JSK outlines have indeed been interpreted to have been upheld. If this is the case, it follows that this rationale could be used to ration health care moving forward.

Furthermore, I can't say I was aware of Goldberg v Kelly, but I was aware of Helvering v. Davis, which stated that, "The proceeds of both [employee and employer] taxes are to be paid into the Treasury like internal-revenue taxes generally, and are not earmarked in any way." This essentially means that you have no right to any benefit simply because you have paid into the system your whole life. FICA payments are simply taxes like any other. I am not going to comment further, not knowing the technicalities that differentiate these two cased. Perhaps it is simply because of my lack of knowledge in the subject, but barring that I wouldn't be surprised that to say that at a minimum there is some fuzziness between these two cases and further precedent will have to be written in order to clarify exactly if the government can deny SS. But either way, it is mute because as JSK states, Medicare is a "privilege" legally and other heath care would likely fall under this same notion.

So If you've made it this far, I applaud you. At least it will justify the greatly above average time it took me to write this response. :)

-EJB

Monday, October 13, 2008

The 95% Tax Cut Myth

Sen. Obama often uses the line that if elected to be President, his plan would cut taxes for 95% of earners. First off, one has to make the assumption that this could even be feasibly done considering our fiscal situation. Estimates of his spending and tax plans state that he would increase the deficit by about $280 billion per year by the end of his first term. And this assumes Iraq spending comes to an end, and includes a very generous estimate of what his health care policies will cost; his campaign vaguely argues it can find unspecified $93 billion per year in "health care savings" within the existing budget programs. To be fair, Sen. McCain's proposals would also increase the deficit by about $230 billion per year according to the same linked study.

But if one can get beyond all this reality, there remains the myth that Obama really would cut taxes for 95 percent of people. The Wall Street Journal has a pretty good article in today's paper explaining how most of these "tax cuts" are really just welfare payments. As the article explains:

For the Obama Democrats, a tax cut is no longer letting you keep more of what you earn. In their lexicon, a tax cut includes tens of billions of dollars in government handouts that are disguised by the phrase "tax credit."

The truth is that most of these "tax cuts" are due to creating a laundry list of "refundable" tax credits. What this means is that if you qualify for a credit worth x amount of money, put you pay less then that amount in taxes, the government refunds you the additional amount in excess of your taxes. The result is that what is described as a tax cut is really just a welfare payment via the tax code. Realizing that the term "welfare" is not a good political starter, his campaign has disguised it as "tax cuts."

According to the the non-partisan Tax Foundation, under his plan, 44 percent of all tax filers would pay no income taxes (up from about 32% currently), with the bulk of these people receiving back more in their annual refund than what they paid in taxes. The result is a $647 billion increase in transfers via these credits over the next ten years to over $1 trillion, or 4 times more then what is currently transferred through "welfare."

Furthermore, these tax proposals have a major problem that conventional welfare programs also have, that being the welfare trap. This is the dynamic that occurs when people who are receiving payments are disincentivized from working more or harder to get off of welfare because doing so would cause the benefits one receives to phase out with more income. The result in that the policy increases the amount of poor and government dependents (or at least reduces income mobility). Similarly, because these tax credits phase out with greater income, the marginal effective rate of taxation on low income workers will become very high under Obama's plan as seen by the chart from the Wall Street Journal (keep in mind this is for only one scenario of tax credits). Why would a low income worker put additional effect in overtime for example, if 35 to 4o percent of that gain would be lost in income taxes and phasing out credits? And that is only the Federal Income Tax. That does not include payroll taxes or state and local taxes. The combined marginal rate would likely be closer to 45 to 55 percent.

-EJB


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Well, EJB, I have to say I'm a little disappointed in the subject of this post. Not because it involves economics (I am slowly learning to love the dismal science) but because you seem to disguise (or are ignorant of) the fact that this is not a WSJ piece. This information and research comes from the AEI, a noted conservative think tank (the authors are AEI "resident scholars"). Thus, I immediately am weary of the validity of its conclusions. However, as a court does when considering a motion for summary judgment, let's presume all facts and allegations to be true and proceed from there.

I will start by linking to these two pages, which I think are fair game, even though they're obviously Obama-campaign-run sites (since you opened the door by bringing in AEI articles). Each page contains various rebuttals and counter-availing considerations to the aforementioned article. Some arguments/considerations stand out, and I'll briefly highlight them below:

1) Let's be REALLY careful when we look at what this chart represents. I know you pointed this out already, but I'd like to reiterate: this involves marginal tax rates (not average tax rates) and it only involves a single, highly specific circumstance, i.e. a household with two wage-earners and two children, one in college and one getting child care. These somewhat drastic marginal rate differences would NOT show up in many other cases. And, as the WSJ article even points out, Obama's tax plan would actually increase the amount of money in pocket for low-income earners.

2) The idea in economics of bounded rationality. Bounded rationality theory simply notes that while most economic theories presume that humans are "hyperrational," there are all sorts of other concerns that make choosing the "rational" outcome infeasible. Bounded rationality's effects become even more noticeable and relevant in discussions of low-income earners. It's all well and good to argue that phasing out tax credits will increase marginal tax rates. Hypothetically, this will create a disincentive. But to then make the leap and claim that this disincentive will actually cause someone making less than $25k to reject a higher paying job is pure conjecture - and, I might add, blatantly counter-intuitive. There are absolutely no empirical studies to back up this theory. Plus, even if it were true, then the effect is ONLY important/magnified at the margins!

3) I won't go into much depth here, but there are plenty of philosophical problems with the "welfare trap" theory - to ground an entire argument on that idea is to build a house of cards. There are also proposed solutions to the "welfare trap" that Obama could then implement - for instance, a guaranteed minimum income or a negative income tax.

4) A public policy argument. Obviously, any tax cut for the middle or lower class will increase marginal tax rates (because they'll be phased out when you move up in tax brackets). So, if we're going to argue that tax cuts for the poor are bad, because it disincentivizes climbing the wealth ladder, is it then necessary to argue the contrary position (namely, that we must INCREASE the incentives for income mobility?) I'm not saying that this necessarily follows, but it seems like it could. This result would be highly problematic because it would involve one of two things, either: a) only cutting taxes for the extremely wealthy (may be a good way to incentivize people to earn more, as if they needed more incentive; but not a good way to increase government revenue); or b) increase taxes on the poor! Taxing poor people at a higher rate means they'll have all the incentive they'll need to get out there and work! In fact, let's just cut welfare altogether...the resulting increase in deaths and decay among the poverty-stricken will surely incentivize income mobility! No longer will anyone bask in the glory of being welfare-dependent. Which brings me to...

5) Lost in all this economic talk is the simple fact that Obama's plan would leave people at a given low level of income significantly better off.

And finally:
6) Marginal rate incentives are stressed entirely too much, especially when compared to effective rates, which have plenty of efficiency implications (considering that they describe what the private sector spends compared with the public sector). The chart itself, I believe, is rather meaningless.


EJB, I don't expect you to respond to each and every point and I don't actually disagree with the thesis of the original post. I have simply found and compiled any and all counter-arguments that I could find and submit them for your disapproval. Once again, I am playing out of my league, and I fully expect corrections that help me to see the errors of my post.

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First off, the article linked IS from the Wall Street Journal; however, the chart that I posted (also from the WSJ) used data from AEI. But in this line of attack JSK comes very close to responding in ad hominem. He is attacking the messenger (AEI), not the message. But then after placing that out there for the readers, he covers himself by saying essentially that we should assume it is factual. It is true that AEI is a think tank with ideological leanings, but so are all of them; it still produces academic work where methods are disclosed and information is sourced. This is far different from most campaign sites that JSK suggests are similar. The link regarding the deficit estimates for example borrows heavily from work from the Brookings Institute and the Urban Institute, both left leaning think tanks, though I did not discriminate there. Furthermore, as JSK points out (and he makes note that I also mentioned it), the chart is for one scenario. However, if you read the linked article, one can easily put together a whole host of likely combinations of proposed credits that a "normal" family would qualify for, and the results will all be similar even if they vary by degree.

But now lets actually address some argument. My post basically had two parts following the discussion of the effect to the annual deficit. The first (and what the WSJ article focused on), was not an argument that these proposals would not have the direct effect of putting more money into lower income workers pockets. In fact, I think it is quite clear that I am saying it will do just that in that I am calling these proposals to be similar to welfare. The point of that discussion was not that it would or would not directly harm or benefit a poorer household, but that a huge growth in welfare programs is being disguised as "tax cuts." It would seem that JSK is making a counter to an argument that was not being made.

The second component is what JSK spends most of him time discussing. This is the notion of the "welfare trap" and the associated chart. Essentially the argument against this effect happening is that it ignores total income and that it is crazy to think that one would turn down a job advancement because of a large marginal rate. His argument that total income or total tax burden matters more then marginal rates with regards to behavior is a common one; however, it bucks the entire theory behind behavioral decision making. People make decisions on the margin; when the marginal benefit (or at least the perceived benifit) of performing an act exceeds the marginal cost (once again, the perceived) of performing it, one will engage in that act. This profound understanding came along in the 1870's in what would become called the Marginal Revolution . If you are interested in reading about the basic economics of this beyond what I put here, fell free to read the link (side note: I wonder if Marx, who like Smith based his thinking under the Labor Theory of Value would have had different reasoning had he lived 30 years later).

This marginal benefit/ marginal cost mechanism answers the classic Water/Diamond Paradox. That is why is water, which is essential to existence cost virtually nothing, but diamonds, which have virtually no practical purpose valued at such a high price?:

Human beings cannot even survive without water, whereas diamonds were in Smith's day mere ornamentation or engraving bits. Yet water had a very low price, and diamonds a very high price, by any normal measure. Marginalists explained that it is the marginal usefulness of any given quantity that determines its price, rather than the usefulness of a class or of a totality. For most people, water was sufficiently abundant that the loss or gain of a gallon would withdraw or add only some very minor use if any; whereas diamonds were in much more restricted supply, so that the lost or gained use would be much greater.

Similarly, when one is making the decision to work an additional amount, pursue a higher paying job, and so on, people base their decision not on the total income (price) that is received for their total labor, but rather the marginal benefit relative to the marginal cost of that additional action. It is true, as JSK states via Bounded Rationality, that people are not always making a calculated decision, but over time peoples actions through experience drift into this equilibrium. Think for a moment your decision to purchase a second hamburger after eating the first. You are not doing a detailed analysis of the marginal benefit to you in buying another, but through past experience, you know how fulfilling that second burger will likely be, and you make the marginal decision to stuff your self or not when you compare it in your mind to the cost of doing so.

I will give a historical example of the "welfare trap" due to the reduction of marginal benefits of working to support my case as well as a personal anecdotal example. The welfare reform of 1996 was explicitly enacted because the total amount of people on welfare, particularly people who didn't work at all, had been steadily increasing. This is because the program was completely based on meas testing where a family would receive cash and other benefits solely on their condition. So if an unemployed individual started working, then these benefits would phase out, and therefore the marginal benefit of working was greatly reduced. The 1996 reform in general, restricted access to welfare programs to able-boddied individuals who were not pursuing work or further education or training. The relative marginal benefit of working further increased with these reforms. As a paper by a fellow at the left leaning Brookings Institute stated (in case you still don't trust "right leaning" think tanks).

The 1996 reforms have been followed by a major decline in the welfare caseload, big increases in employment and earnings of single mothers, substantial increases in total income of families headed by mothers, and the biggest declines in child poverty since the 1960s.

Now as he points out, some of this improvement can be chalked up to strong economic growth in these years; however, there had been strong economic growth in the mid to late 80's as well and no such effect occurred, so it is pretty safe to say that at the very least a good portion of the improvement was due to these reforms.

Lastly, I bring attention to a personal example. During my last year of high school, i worked a considerable amount. When applying for federal student aide for college I learned that the way the formula worked was once a student surpassed a certain threshold in annual income (somewhere around $4000 thousand at the time if I remember correctly), each additional dollar earned translated into a 50 cent reduction in student aide for the year. Just like the phasing out tax credits that Obama proposes, I had a benefit phase out, which had the effect of raising my marginal "tax rate" to about 72 percent when all taxes were included. So what I did was quit my job two months early and I sat on my butt for the summer. It didn't matter that my total average tax rate for the year was much lower, because I had already made those decisions and it was the marginal rate that effected me at that point. I essentially was effected by the "welfare trap" where a social program benefit (student aide) disincentivized me from working further to benefit myself and in turn society. Marginal rates are important, and I didn't even understand anything about economics at that time in my life. :)

-EJB